John Locke On Equality, Toleration, and the Atheist Exception

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By Adalei Broers
2009, Vol. 1 No. 12 | Page 1 of 3 |
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Political philosopher and social psychologist, John Locke, was an outspoken supporter of equal rights within a governed society. He espoused the natural rights of man, namely the right to life, liberty and property, and he articulated that every government’s purpose is to secure these rights for its nationals. 

He was a social contract theorist, believing that the legitimacy of government relies on consent from its citizens which is given on the basis of equality.  Locke’s view of equality was not limited to the political realm; he also promoted religious toleration, with atheism being the one notable exception.  He supported general toleration of alternative religious beliefs but encouraged the ex-communication of non-believers.  

In order to understand both the progressive areas of Locke’s philosophy and the dogmatic ones, it is necessary to analyze his political and religious understanding of life, for these things inform his moral code and explain the seemingly contrary ideas of his philosophy.  The analysis of Locke’s theory follows a kind of chronology, beginning with the presence of equality in the ‘state of nature’.  This idea of natural equality transitions into the state as men leave the ‘state of nature’ and enter into society.  Then once a government is established, the role of equality can be analyzed from a social perspective, which is when the idea of religious toleration comes into play.

Before there is a government and a nation, man lives in a state of nature where he is guided by the laws of nature as God intended.  Locke begins his Second Treatise of Government establishing truths of nature mainly that God is the creator and he did not grant superiority to any individuals in modern day society, as was often argued in the past.  Locke states, “In races of mankind and families of the world, there remains not to one above another, the least pretence to be the eldest house” (Locke, Treatise, 7).    Here he discards the notion of royal or noble superiority that reigned supreme in his day and, more importantly, he establishes general equality of all.  Thus the importance of equality comes from its existence in the state of nature.  The basis of the social contract lies in mutual consent, and man, coming from a state of “perfect freedom” (Locke, Treatise, 8) and equality would not be willing to settle for less when he leaves the state of nature.  

Locke describes the state of nature as one “of equality, wherein all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one having more than another; there being nothing more evident, than that creature of the same species and rank, promiscuously born to all the same advantages of nature, and the use of the same faculties, should also be equal one amongst another without subordination or subjection” (Locke, Treatise, 8).  Because man is free and equal in the state of nature, he must be assured that he will still be so when he enters society, thus for Locke the establishment of the state occurs on the basis of assured equality without which there would be no incentive to enter into society.

Equality is the driving force of Locke's political theory because it is the basis for our consensual participation in society, a requisite for the establishment of any state.  As such, equality is not just necessary in the establishment of government but is also a requisite in maintaining a safe and stable nation.  Locke describes the responsibility of the government (specifically the legislative power) as “the preservation of the society, and of every person in it” (Locke, Treatise, 69), showing his belief that the obligations of the government are to provide safety and protection to all its citizens equally.  Locke further articulates this point when he discusses his view on slavery. 

To be enslaved is to be put “under the absolute, arbitrary power of another” (Locke, Treatise, 17) which puts those involved into a ‘state of war’.  His definition of slavery is not traditional, particularly because of its connection to the ‘state of war’ which is one of “enmity, malice, violence and mutual destruction” (Locke, Treatise, 15) for all involved which is in the disinterest of society and contrary to the goals of the state.  More importantly, “when the actual force is over, the state of war ceases between those that are in society, and are equally on both sides subjected to the fair determination of the law” (Locke, Treatise, 15).  So we see that for Locke, equality must exist in punishment as it does in protection, at all levels of society, in all aspects of government.

It should also be noted that Locke’s interpretation of freedom and liberty are directly associated with equality.  In his discussion of slavery, Locke describes freedom as “not to be subject to the inconstant, uncertain, unknown, arbitrary will of another man” (Locke, Treatise, 17)  This describes an equal distribution of power.  Liberty is described as the following; “my own will in all things, where the rule prescribes not” (Locke, Treatise, 17).  Both liberty and freedom only exist in a state where they are applied evenly, or else they exist for a tyrant(s) in a state of war.  Most importantly, upon entering society individuals are required to alienate a modicum of freedom and liberty, but full equality can (theoretically) never be compromised.

In spite of legislation protecting each individual, conflict will inevitably erupt, if not between a government and its people then among the people themselves.  This of course will impact the state and inevitably require response.  It is in this perspective that Locke writes A Letter Concerning Toleration, addressing the issue of religious intolerance, a problem that permeated 17th century English society.  He was extremely critical of the fervent behavior of people concerning their religious beliefs, particularly of those with “intemperate zeal” (Locke, Toleration, 9) who would attempt to convert others to their faith. 

He states; “That any man should think fit to cause another man — whose salvation he heartily desires — to expire in torments, and that even in an unconverted state, would, I confess, seem very strange to me, and I think, to any other also. But nobody, surely, will ever believe that such a carriage can proceed from charity, love, or goodwill” (Locke, Toleration, 2)  Locke suspects that many missionaries and evangelizing magistrates are doing so for personal gain.  As Black points out “it is a consequence of his mitigated skepticism that Locke advocates a duty of religious toleration” (473). 

Adalei Broers graduated in 2010 with a concentration in Political Science from City College in New York, NY.

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