Fraternity and Social Change in the Digital Age: The It Gets Better Project in the March of Online Fraternity

The IGB site offers several hints about its impact. As mentioned above, Dan Savage began IGB in an attempt to reach out to bullied or disadvantaged LGBT teens who were considering suicide, and deter their efforts by assuring them that life ‘Gets Better.’ The YouTube channel grew quickly, and the project moved to its own website, where it hosts a theater to view testimony and a blog about LGBT political and social topics. The project released a book along with various paraphernalia, and has inspired wide debate about bullying in schools, and LGBT equality generally. But besides the story behind IGB, one wonders what impact the project has made.

Since September, 2010 when IGB debuted, calls to the Trevor Project hotline have “increased by 50%,” suggesting a greater willingness to reach out among depressed LGBT youth (What is the It Gets Better Project?, 2010). They also reported the donation of $100,000 from some 2,500 plus donors across the country. Users of the IGB site have donated the recently released IGB book to hundreds of schools and libraries in each state, and the book itself quickly became a New York Times bestseller. However, as impressive as these numbers might be, the degree to which they depict social influence is limited to those donating the money, and thus intimately tied to IGB.

Indeed, IGB has emerged at a time when America’s political climate today is shrouded in overwhelmingly negative narratives. David Brooks isolates two negative narratives within both the Republican and Democratic ideologies today: 1) “If you ask a conservative Republican, you are likely to hear that Obama is a skilled politician who campaigned as a centrist but is governing as a big-government liberal,” and 2) “If you ask a liberal Democrat, you are likely to hear that Obama is an inspiring but overly intellectual leader who has trouble making up his mind and fighting for his positions”(Brooks, 2010). Both of these conceptions, he claims, are “entirely predictable” (Brooks, 2010). Howard Kunstler, author and blogger, speaks pessimistically about the future oil crisis: “I’ve noticed that what’s being clamored for is a set of rescue remedies – miracles even – that will allow us…all the trappings of comfort and convenience now taken as entitlements,” speaking of future crises that threaten to demolish American culture (Kunstler, 2010). This is one of the many voices warning of energy crises, climate change, disease, and the imminent ravages we must suffer for our past ignorance. These negative narratives constitute the IGB narrative’s opposition.

On the other hand, the positive language of IGB has come to resonate outwards from the more explicitly IGB-related forums, as evidenced by the actions of politicians and organizational leaders, and the patterns of debate over recent LGBT and anti-bullying policies. Despite Dan Savage’s reminder that “[t]he whole goal of the campaign all along has been to reach kids,” the project has inspired numerous others to take action (AtGoogleTalks, 2011). Congressman Jim Himes, in his IGB video, tells viewers “as a country, we’re moving; we’re moving slowly, but we’re moving in the right direction,” and as evidence he cites lawful gay marriage in Connecticut, and the “dismantling” of Don’t Ask Don’t Tell restrictions in the military (congressmanhimes, 2011). Senator Al Franken’s video, entitled “We Will Make It Better” uses the language and story of IGB to show his and other senators’ commitment in Washington: “We’re working hard to pass a law that would provide you with the same legal protection against discrimination and bullying as other students have now” (SenatorFranken, 2010). Fifteen states have passed at least one anti-bullying bill since the first IGB video, including: Nevada, New Jersey, New York, Hawaii, Connecticut, Texas, Illinois, Ohio, Kansas, West Virginia, Rhode Island, Alabama, Virginia, Montana.

One of New Jersey’s bills, called the “Tyler Clementi Higher Education Anti-Harassment Act,” drew direct influence from some of the suicides surrounding IGB, although Clementi died a day after Savage’s video. When his family released a statement, they announced their gratitude that, though tragic, Tyler’s death had begun a “’nationwide discussion and awareness of the need for a renewal of…particularly for young people in this time of rapidly evolving technology’” (Black, 2010). Though Clementi’s suicide occurred after his roommate broadcast a private video of him on the Internet, the Clementi family’s clarification, “particularly for young people in this time of rapidly evolving technology” is interesting, for the Internet, with the IGB project, was to become an online bastion for fraternal interaction, a quality contrary to that experienced by the family (Black, 2010). Politicians are willing to devote their time and effort to supporting an optimistic narrative; their inspiration indeed reaffirms the supposed truth of the narrative. Events of progress are viewed as part of the ‘Better’ in a larger narrative context, instead of promising, but altogether isolated incidents of success. Such a narrative challenges even the most pessimistic political narratives. Indeed, when the issue of New York gay marriage emerged again in June of 2011, the conversation on LGBT equality and justice had changed in this more positive direction.

Working up to the passage of gay marriage in New York was certainly a battle, but one now faced with the confidence of a ‘tragedy’ to ‘triumph’ narrative rather than pessimism. Richard Socarides19, in an interview with CNN, claimed, “we’re very optimistic…poll numbers [] show increasing support for marriage equality across the country and that’s even more so in New York” (CNN, 2011). This sort of optimism is not as evident even a few years before. When Proposition 8 was overturned by a federal judge, Anderson Cooper interviewed conservative leader, Maggie Gallagher, and Evan Wilson from the organization Freedom to Marry; Gallagher, however, expressed optimism, while Wilson, when asked if he thought the Supreme Court would uphold the ruling, responded tentatively: “Well, we’re gonna have to see what the Supreme Court does, and there are many twists ahead,” explaining that “the more people have a reality to judge this, instead of scary right-wing rhetoric and fear-mongering, the more people move in [our direction]” (CNN, 2010). Even though Wilson’s party just had a victory, he spoke from a defensive position, quite contrary to the stance gay activists have recently taken, as evidenced by Savage’s video statement: “If [you are] watching this video, what I’d like you to take away from it really is that it gets better”(itgetsbetterproject, 2010). He does not hesitate, or provide a disclaimer, but rather asserts this statement as truthful, inevitable, and universal.

When the bill legalizing gay marriage passed in New York, the language of IGB appeared even more prominently. Senator Duane, himself a gay man, explained the social change at hand in an explicitly narrative form.

“Republicans, Democrats alike, we passed hate crime legislation…last year, we passed dignity for all students, again, both sides of the aisle, together. Landmark legislation. And again, here we are. My parents were right about some things, I did get beaten up, I did get bloodied, but I hope that on one thing and I know now they would be fine with this, I hope that today we’ll say that I can get married…” (LGBTQNation, 2011).

Duane speaks of a perpetual state of progress and improvement. He notes the turbulent beginning (‘It’), the process of progress (‘Gets’), and the happy ending (‘Better’) as political justice, including marriage equality in New York. Also, this narrative is about political and cooperation between party lines. “There are no villains here, there are only heroes,” he claims (LGBTQNation, 2011). In victory, Duane’s satisfaction with the proceedings reaffirms his sense of LGBT political progress and improvement, regardless of ideology. He is willing to overlook the villains, they are but other characters in a grand narrative of improvement, and thus deserve positive recognition. Governor Cuomo, too, illustrates a positive story of progress, remembering that the “gay rights movement was birthed at Stonewall, and what this state said today brings this discussion of marriage equality to a new plane…we reached a new level of social justice this evening;” he even says that this progress is “really about…our brothers and sisters[] looking at us and saying ‘we want equality’… ‘we want full recognition’”(SuchIsLifeVideos, 2011). Though subtle, fraternity has inserted itself into the narrative of LGBT progress. This is not just to say that legislators’ actions, as apparent in various IGB videos, have changed, but that significant progress in LGBT equality has been made concretely as well, and described in the language of fraternity.

Despite the narrative likeness between IGB and the current LGBT equality narrative, how can I be so bold as to draw a connection? Without having done an empirical study of opinion polls, or having catalogued information for years on narrative patterns within the LGBT political community, any conclusion that IGB has influenced the pervasive language of progress politically might seem overreaching. However, to suggest that it has had no influence on the attitudes, behaviors, and expectations of the community exposed to it, is also erronious. The fraternity it creates between those involved is apparent, and thousands of testimonials and comments lend credit to its influence. The guiding narrative of IGB does not just create internal coherence, for it is also an outreach tool, inviting people (including legislators in New York) to join the grand fraternal narrative.

Whether necessary or superfluous, real or imagined, the great narratives that occupy the American zeitgeist are negative, directed against ideologically different people, government, corporations, and other entities. The suicides that inspired Dan Savage constitute another of these negative narratives. Despite the myriad negative narratives, however, IGB emerges as a hopeful voice, one with a comfortable message of improvement and love. Those inspired by the project have, and are, reflecting that inspiration both through their participation in it, and their outward language and behavior. Moreover, the influences of IGB’s language and narrative, when carried into the social and political sphere, have contributed to evolving conceptions of LGBT equality and progress. Joel Burns, like Senator Duane, told a tragic story about his own struggles in the Texas legislature, “coming out was painful” he said, “but life got so much better for me”(joelburns, 2010)http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ax96cghOnY4. The IGB project has influenced the conversation about LGBT equality and discrimination, the way people talk about it, and the problems associated with acquiring it. It has spread public awareness of injustice against the LGBT community that alleviates the tension associated with speaking openly and honestly about it. This freedom from the constraints of ignorance and privacy is what seems to follow the fraternity established online through IGB.

Our question returns; can fraternity developed online provide marginalized groups with political power? In a sense, the answer is yes. The increased awareness of issues brings latent problems to the public fore, and this in turn sparks political discourse. Because the influence of fraternity accompanies the spread of awareness, those involved in the discourse align themselves with the language and narrative of the fraternal group. To say that fraternity causes this change is too radical, but to notice its pervasive presence within the public discourse suggests some, if not significant influential power. This process, as regards IGB is relatively apparent given the state of discussion that it has sparked. Not only is fraternity possible online, but the awareness it spreads has the potential to align the narratives within society, at least somewhat, with the narratives of the fraternal group. Online fraternity, therefore, can grant the power of societal inclusion and familiarity.

Conclusion

As an online group, IGB has established fraternity between members. What began as an optimistic response to a horrible situation resulted in thousands of participants collectively fashioning a story of LGBT triumph despite innumerable travails. The language visibly carried over into the greater public realm, winning support from various politicians and organizations moved to change a system that allowed the discrimination from which IGB sprung. Whether these changes become as comprehensive as many would like, the attitudes of those pushing them are oddly reminiscent of IGB’s growing membership.

The success and scope of the IGB project has signaled a new technological discovery: online fraternity. Such fraternity, though different from the traditional fraternity seen in unions, social groups, and various professions, presents us with the potential for a revitalization of fraternity in America. This revitalization could create broader fraternal groups, with a firmer foundation in optimistic narratives of progress, and more open forums for discourse between people from different walks of life. The potent perception of equality could even carry over into offline attitudes, spreading greater awareness of inequalities and discrimination that might pervade increasing attempts at reform. This is the promise of Internet fraternity, and its offline consequences in the continuing digital age.

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1.) One particular song, “Rise Up” by Jeremy Hoop, was used to advertise for Glenn Beck’s Restoring Honor rally. It declared, “Don’t be afraid of those wicked men [non-Tea Partiers], there’s more of us than there are of them, come join the fight”(GetHoopified, 2010). This tendency to cast political dissenters as ‘the enemy’ is pervasive throughout Tea Party rhetoric.

2.) This skepticism will be discussed in more detail later, but it involves the structures of Internet discourse, patterns of control over Internet traffic, and access to websites.

3.) Those with power assume their entitlement, while those without power find it difficult to challenge this claim. Fraternity challenges this entitlement, though, by asserting a counter-narrative. Fraternity gives the disadvantaged a way to mobilize politically through a sense of organization. This will be discussed at greater length later.

4.) Fraternity’s two-fold tendency, to both unify and factionalize people, emerges as an interesting dynamic, the implications of which are contested, and will be discussed at a later point in this essay. Though McWilliams suggests a fracturing of society between fraternal groups, one might consider instead a general code of etiquette for discourse and interaction among people that emerge out of a fraternal sense of respect for other persons’ virtue of personhood in itself.

5.) I would like to clarify that I use fraternity as a non-gender-specific establishment. To think of fraternity in strictly male terms would give us an antiquated view as to what drives people to connect with one another and work together. Though I dare not pretend that complete equality exists either socially or politically between men and women across all cultures, the purposes of this essay require that we think about the bonds between people free from the inequalities of gender specific concerns. Only in this way will we successfully probe the depths of human emotion and connection.

6.) These qualities cannot necessarily account for every aspect of fraternity. It also differs from McWilliams’ definition. McWilliams places greater emphasis on a tension with society at large, and the geographical and social limitations which bind fraternity to specific groups and situations. Indeed, he makes no overt mention of equality whatsoever, which is the primary point at which McWilliams and I diverge, equality is quite subjective in its meaning. Nevertheless, I believe that equality is critical to the development of fraternity, and will treat it as such.

7.) This abstract conception of authority departs from McWilliams more narrow definition. While I find the idea of authority residing within an administrative body sensible, however, when that body’s power is either distributed relatively equally across all group members, or hidden, then authority might be interpreted as constituted by ideological rather than material entities. However, this dichotomy is, in a sense, misleading, for the perceptions of group members do not always align with the type of authority that exists, as I will show.

8.) Affirmations of universal accountability, which some often mistake as a plea for fraternity, have always encountered staunch resistance from those who emphasize liberty. Kant’s categorical imperative for example, a system of morality similar to his indirect notions of fraternity listed above, essentially argues for universal abeyance to the golden rule. Friedrich Nietzsche famously described such ideals as “soaked in blood,” and declared “the categorical imperative smells of cruelty” (Nietzsche, 1989, p. 65).

9.) The Bible grants us an interesting display of this phenomenon. Just as Adam’s ability to name the world around him gave him symbolic power over that which he named, those with the ability to manipulate stories also have control over the subjects therein. This phenomenon becomes more complicated in the digital age, for the ease with which one might express him or herself publicly potentially creates numerous Adams all trying to name the world. In actuality, the digital age is not so amorphous, but nevertheless, those with power and influence arguably have even greater power to reach wider audiences with more information. Alternatively, however, the digital age also potentially gives marginalized groups and peoples more access to control over their story, as we shall see in discussing the It Gets Better project.

10.) When people interact, the myriad small judgments and impressions made about another based on his or her behavior, and the listed social factors, amount to what constitutes his or her image. A person’s image, though no doubt subjective, is recognized as that person’s identity to others. The struggle for sovereignty over others seems to revolve around one entity (group or person) controlling another entity’s image, or more accurately, its story. Control over one’s story becomes control over that person’s identity, and the damage that such usurpation causes is immeasurable, as illustrated by Martin Luther King Jr.’s condemnation of segregation (King Jr., 1963).

11.) I’m most interested in support groups, (or rather groups with a supportive element) for their structure presents great potential for fraternity between group members, and thus greater influence over the formation of group and individual identity. Group business and attendance is voluntary, and undergone for its value in itself. Also, the context of a support group renders all members equal. Members’ values and goals are mutually held and supported. Though there are dangers to support groups, (abdication of the will, lack of political direction, etc.), the supportive element is important, for its combination of consciousness raising, which follows from the therapy of support groups, and political action, characteristic of more politically oriented groups, is incredibly powerful.

12.) The deaths surrounding the creation of IGB are as follows: Raymond Chase, Tyler Clementi, Billy Lucas, Ryan Halligan, Asher Brown, and Seth Walsh.

13.) My access to the specific viewing patterns and web traffic that occur in both forums are limited, so I cannot pretend that my observations reflect formal conclusions established using thorough statistical analysis. I did not, and could not, conduct a formal study. However, I observed and recorded numerous IGB videos, and familiarized myself with the IGB website in an effort to more completely understand and portray IGB as it exists online.

14.)The dichotomy between the instructive and the supportive, (or the adults and the youth, to put it in simple terms) certainly affects the IGB context, and thus becomes an interesting factor when viewed in relation to equality, or the perception of equality between members, as will be discussed later.

15.) Users’ comments on YouTube utilize grammar and spelling in non-traditional and creative ways. Assume that any misspellings or misuses of grammar within quoted comments are intentional.

16.) This criteria necessarily brings up questions of what obligation might entail in an Internet relationship. Because an Internet relationship is so different from a direct personal relationship, the expectations for, and types of obligations are different. If the relationship is strictly online (potentially anonymous, variable with each conversation, mostly occurring in a public or semi-public forum, etc.) then obligations might largely exist in the moment: responding correctly or appropriately; agreeing to continue or discontinue the conversation; referring people to other more helpful sources. They also might entail behavior offline in accordance with agreements made online. Such commitments could be small, or very large. For example, if my Internet friend and I chat about politics, and he or she recommended I watch a particular movie, I may feel obligated to do so if this was important to him or her. Contrarily, if my Internet friend recommends I go out and vote after a conversation about political apathy, I might feel obligated to go vote. Such obligations do not require personal contact with my Internet friend, but instead rely on my willingness to abide by my word, making trust among Internet friends a more complex item of interest. Though I’d like to discuss this in more detail, I believe this brief explanation will suffice for the purposes of this paper.

17.) Fraternity as it exists online, regardless of our qualifications, is different than traditional offline fraternity. There exists a split between the online and offline types of affection, understanding, obligation, and equality. While traditional fraternity requires intimate personal knowledge for affection and understanding, online fraternity may follow impersonal intimacy within ostensibly anonymous forums; and though fraternal obligations traditionally involved direct personal contact, obligations among Internet relationships entail more indirect support and commitment.

18.) Insurance providers have wealth, manpower, and organization, and thus are able to fight for their interests in government, while the uninsured have none of these resources. Likewise, banks and homeowners have the ability to gain representation in government, while the homeless simply have no voice whatsoever.

19.) Richard Socarides is the president of Equality Matters, a gay rights organization.